Prior to 1948, the date when the Jewish state was re-established, practically the only people who referred to themselves as Palestinians were the Jews who lived there. The others there, mainly Muslim Arabs, referred to themselves as Muslims. To be sure, among a tiny class of intellectuals, there was a concept of belonging to a greater territorial unit called by various terms such as Greater Syria, Southern Syria or Ash-Sham in Arabic.
The modern Palestinian identity was largely invented in 1964, when the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was created.
The question of whether the people of Gaza and the West Bank have historical ties to British-mandated pre-1948 Palestine is a subject of ongoing debate, shaped by historical migration patterns, trade routes and geopolitical shifts.
Marriage and trade: A tapestry of regional connections
Throughout history, family and tribal ties in the Middle East have often been defined by economic and trade networks rather than geographical borders. In many parts of the Muslim world, marriage patterns have followed trade routes, reinforcing long-standing commercial and social ties. The concept of borders, as we understand them in the West, was irrelevant. This phenomenon was evident in pre-1948 Palestine, where traditional marriage customs linked communities across what are now national borders.
Families from Nablus in the northern West Bank, for instance, historically intermarried with those from al-Balqa, a region east of the Jordan River. This has resulted in prominent family names, such as Toukan and Masri, appearing on both sides of the river.
Similarly, Jenin families formed ties with communities in Irbid, a northern Jordanian city, as well as with Muslim families in Nazareth. Senior Jordanian officials today often trace their lineage back to families from Hebron and Safed, further illustrating the deep familial ties spanning the Jordan River. These interwoven connections suggest that identity in the region has historically been fluid, shaped by social and economic relationships rather than by modern political boundaries. And they still are.
19th-century demographics: A barren land?
By the 19th century, much of what is now the West Bank and Gaza was sparsely populated and underdeveloped. Travelers such as Mark Twain and former U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant described the region as barren and largely uninhabited. These accounts, written without political bias, provide insight into the state of the land before the demographic shifts that followed.
During this period, the Ottoman Empire sought to repopulate and develop the region by bringing in Muslim migrants from Albania, Bosnia and the Caucasus. This policy aimed to revitalize the land but also contributed to the diverse origins of the people who would later be identified as Palestinians. Today, some young Saudi commentators use this history to argue that the Palestinians are not “real Arabs,” highlighting the complex identity politics at play.
Migration and the formation of a Palestinian identity
Historical records and oral family traditions indicate that significant waves of migration contributed to the modern Palestinian population. In the 1840s, Egyptian forces occupied the region, prompting many Egyptians to settle there. The prevalence of the surname Masri (meaning “Egyptian” in Arabic) among Palestinians today is a testament to this migration. Some of these Egyptian settlers later moved to Salt, east of the Jordan River.
The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw another wave of migration, driven by the construction of the Ottoman railway linking southern Turkey to the Hejaz and Mecca. The Haifa branch of this railway attracted laborers from Jordan and Syria, many of whom remained in the area. This influx of workers led to the region being nicknamed Umm al-’Amal (“Mother of Labor”), emphasizing its role as an economic hub. They saw themselves as Muslims, Arabs, and even more importantly, as part of families, tribes and clans. They didn’t perceive themselves as Palestinians or Jordanians; neither moniker or entity had existed then.
The British Mandate period saw further demographic shifts. As Jewish immigration to Palestine increased, Arab workers from across the Jordan River streamed westward, drawn by employment opportunities and improved health care provided by the Jewish immigrants who had been returned to their ancient homeland. While British authorities closely monitored Jewish immigration, they largely ignored the movement of Arabs into the territory.
Gaza’s distinct cultural identity
Gaza, in particular, has historically been more closely aligned with Egypt in terms of language and culture than with other parts of British-mandated pre-1948 Palestine. The local dialect of Arabic and their traditions reflect this influence, suggesting a unique cultural identity distinct from that of the West Bank.
Many Palestinians today are aware of their family histories and openly acknowledge their diverse origins when asked. This historical perspective challenges the notion that the Palestinian identity is solely tied to pre-1948 Palestine, raising questions about the roots of nationalism and territorial claims in the region.
The political dimension: A manufactured crisis?
Given the historical migration patterns and the fluidity of identity in the region, the Palestinian national identity is a relatively recent construct. This perspective fuels the debate over international policies toward the Palestinian territories. U.S. President Donald Trump’s proposal to resettle Gazans and possibly West Bank residents in neighboring Arab countries is a logical extension of these historical realities.
According to this viewpoint, Palestinians—many of whom have migrated over the centuries—should not have to endure the rule of oppressive factions like Hamas and the Palestinian Authority.
Critics of the broader Arab response to the Palestinian issue argue that regional leaders have long used the Palestinian cause as a political tool against Israel, rather than actively seeking solutions for Palestinian refugees. Despite their rhetoric, many Arab states have resisted fully integrating Palestinian populations, maintaining them as political pawns in a larger geopolitical struggle.
A Western dilemma
The Western world has historically provided extensive aid to the Palestinian people, unlike the almost total lack of aid from their so-called Arab and other Muslim brothers.
Western guilt over colonialism and perceived injustices against the non-Western world have fueled disproportionate support for the Palestinian cause. In contrast, Trump’s approach calls for Arab nations to take greater responsibility for their “brethren,” rather than relying on perpetual Western largess.
Conclusion
The historical connections between the people of Gaza, the West Bank and British Mandate Palestine are complex—shaped by centuries of migration, trade and political shifts. They are not one people, but a hodge-podge of peoples with no prior connection to pre-1948 Palestine, who settled there during the past two centuries.
As debates over resettlement and political solutions continue, the question remains: should regional Arab powers take a more active role in addressing the Palestinian issue, or will the status quo persist?
In this context, Trump’s plan to resettle the people of Gaza, and possibly later also Muslims in the West Bank in other parts of the Muslim world, fits in perfectly with the normal patterns of migration in the region.
{Reposted from JCFA}
