The Background
Many issues divided the Israeli public leading up to October 7th. With the invasion of the Gaza Envelope and the ensuing bloody war, many of these issues now seem less important; others, however, have become even more significant.
Understandably, the issue that has emerged as the most pertinent and pressing is the drafting of the charedi population.
This issue has been percolating for many decades. Ben Gurion exempted 400 yeshiva students in 1951. Their number has ballooned to almost 100,000. In addition to the increase in the objective number, the charedi community has become a more significant percentage of the overall population. As this percentage is projected to continue increasing, their army exemption becomes even more challenging.
Over the past two decades, Israel’s High Court has become proactive on the issue. It has insisted that the government find a way to mandate a shivyon ba’netel (“equal sharing of the burden”). The court has struck down several bills it saw as insufficient and demanded that the government legislate something more equitable. Successive governments have been unable to pass a bill the court considers fair and have instead received extensions that have allowed delaying addressing the issue.
The Present Situation
Over the past six-plus months, over 600 soldiers have been killed, thousands have been wounded, and hundreds of thousands have risked their lives to defend our people and land.
In addition to putting themselves in harm’s way, these hundreds of thousands of younger and older men and women have spent many months away from their families, work, and regular lives. Because of a shortage of soldiers, many are now returning for a second (or even third!) tour of duty. Parents, children, and spouses who served over one hundred days in the first few months of the war are now returning for months of additional service — with no end in sight.
The Hamas attack and subsequent war have generated two military needs. In the immediate short term, the army must replace thousands of soldiers. In addition, the military needs to increase the size of its forces. After the failure of the previous conception of a relatively small but technologically advanced standing army, the army needs to increase its size. While maximizing its draft numbers from the national religious and secular communities and extending the length of their service, the army now looks to the charedi community as a potentially significant source of recruits.
In addition to the army’s needs, Israeli society has become more insistent that the charedi community “share the burden” of army service. The huge sacrifice (of all sorts) the broader population has had to make has strengthened its resolve to change the status quo in a way that spreads the weight and sacrifice of military service (more) equally.
The High Court has also implemented more drastic measures. When the government failed to pass a draft bill by the April 1 deadline, the court ruled that the army should begin drafting charedim and that yeshivot whose talmidim do not draft should stop receiving government funding.
Though the army has not yet taken steps to force charedim to draft, the threat itself (including possible legal implications for those who do not draft), coupled with the potential cutting of funding, is a direct threat to the charedi community, whose leaders have objected vociferously.
It is also important to note that the charedi community, together with the rest of Israel, was deeply shaken by the viciousness of the October 7 attacks and subsequent war. There have been voices within the charedi community calling for change. These voices are a minority, but not an insignificant one. If the charedi community is approached correctly, a breakthrough might be possible.
The Political Context
Unfortunately, the issue has become connected to the broader political divide that continues to plague Israel. Though many right-wingers (and even Bibi supporters) feel that the charedim must draft, the left wing is leading the charge.
In addition to genuinely believing in the cause, significant forces on the left hope the issue will bring down the government. The political overtone and possible implications make it harder for supporters of the present government to advocate for pressuring and sanctioning the charedi community.
The violent protests (that have recently restarted) are another way the current political climate impacts the issue. The demonstrations will serve as a model for the charedi community. If they feel threatened, many may respond with similar protests, claiming that their religious identity is no less important than the judicial reform and the Bibi government others have protested violently against.
The issue of drafting charedim is thus a very sensitive and potentially explosive powder keg faced by the State of Israel.
What Hasn’t Worked
So, how do we deal with this issue? Can draft numbers from the charedi community be raised? If so, how?
Thus far, the public discourse surrounding the issue has been far from constructive.
Naturally, the secular community, which does not appreciate the depth and extent of the importance of talmud Torah or the charedi community’s goal of protecting its identity, has little sympathy for charedi “draft dodgers.”
Notably, many in the national-religious community have joined the secular in their uncompromising call for charedim to draft. While they recognize the importance of Torah learning and mitzvah observance, they insist they do not conflict with army service.
Social media is abuzz with posts demanding the drafting of charedim. Many of these posts attack and demonize the charedi community and absolutely dismiss its position as lacking Torah basis. When charedi leaders respond by reiterating their position, the attacks and demonizations intensify.
These posts have very little effect on the charedi community, which is largely not involved in social media. In addition, as most of the posts categorically dismiss the legitimacy of the position of charedi gedolei Torah, the charedi community writes them off as irrelevant.
Though ostensibly addressing the charedi community, the secular and religious communities are essentially talking to themselves and preaching to the converted.
Legislation
Some hope to change the reality by passing legislation requiring everyone to draft and cutting funding for those who do not.
This approach alone will not succeed and will probably have the opposite effect: Charedi leaders, both present and past, brand these efforts as attacks on the Torah and “the Torah world.” The circling of the wagons that inevitably occurs when the charedi community feels attacked will discourage even those already planning to draft. People will sooner sit in jail, leave their homes and country, or even give up their lives instead of giving in.
Even the cutting of funds will not succeed if it is part of what is perceived as an attack on Torah values.
We will not succeed at forcing charedim to draft. Legislation and funding may function as a stick and carrot, but there is no substitute for their consent.
Israeli society needs to decide whether the goal is to prove that the charedim ought to draft or to convince them to do so. If the goal is the latter, we must consider how to persuade them rather than ourselves.
Speaking Their Language
There are two kinds of dialogue: one in which both sides feel a need to reach a compromise and one in which (at least) one side sees no need to compromise.
The situation with the charedi community is the latter. Most of the charedi community and its leaders strongly believe they are right for not drafting. They see themselves as living the ideal Torah lifestyle and (many see themselves) as the ones truly responsible for protecting the state (through their learning).
Understandably, even the ongoing war and challenges have not changed their opinion. If anything, the present reality has caused them to see their learning as even more critical. In the words of Rav Moshe Hillel Hirsch, shlit”a: “Eretz Yisrael survives only because it has a kollel.”
Though one may strongly disagree with their assumptions and opinions, a conversation meant to influence them needs to adopt their beliefs. To convince the charedi community to draft, our arguments must make sense to them and work with their principles.
Respecting Their Opinion
Many of those addressing the charedi community are unaware or dismissive of their opinions. Even many religious leaders, who ought to be more aware and appreciative of their perspective, make this mistake.
An excellent example of this problem is the milchemet mitzvah argument. Many religious people present the draft question as a simple case of milchemet mitzvah (for which even a bride and groom need to draft [Sotah 44b]). Hamas and other Arabs intend to murder Jews. This fact, Religious Zionists assume, makes the war a milchemet mitzvah in which everyone need to participate.
Many poskim do not see things this way. Rav Moshe Feinstein, for example, asserts that wars fought by the State of Israel are not milchamot mitzvah because we lack a melech and the Urim V’tumim (Igrot Moshe, C”M 78). Even if our wars are milchmot mitzvah, many poskim believe that Torah learners contribute through their learning.
The debate about charedim enlisting has raged for many decades. Over this period, tens of charedi poskim have ruled that their community should not enlist. Their rulings include Torah sources that support their position. No one will convince the charedi community that their rabbis and poskim (over the past seventy-five years) are wrong.
Respecting Their Community
Much of Israeli society has a deep disrespect for and even hostility toward the charedi community. They see the charedi philosophy and lifestyle as out of touch with the reality of the modern world and the Zionist enterprise.
In addition, as many of them do not work, they are often described as leeches and parasites on the economy. Parallel to efforts to get charedim to draft, there are also attempts to integrate them into the workforce.
The fact that both of these initiatives are taking place simultaneously often makes charedim feel like their way of life is being threatened. Their fears are not without basis; many Israelis openly associate these initiatives with precisely that goal. If charedim see the attempts to draft them as intended to “dismantle their community,” there is no chance that they will cooperate.
If we hope to convince charedim to work towards increasing their draft numbers, they need to know that we respect their way of life and are committed to helping them ensure that army service will not threaten their community’s values and lifestyle.
Realistic Expectations: Who To Focus On
So, if the charedim’s unwavering position is that the Torah believes they should not be drafting, how can we convince them to draft?
The answer lies in focusing on the significant segment of the charedi community that is not learning Torah, at least not full-time. Understandably, even past charedi gedolim, like Rav Shach and Rav Shteinman, called for these young men to enlist. The Torah exemption from army service is rooted in one’s preoccupation with Torah learning. Those not learning full-time are not exempt.
Though we cannot convince the charedim to send those learning intensively to the army, we can definitely discuss the others. Shivyon ba’netel (an equal carrying of the weight) may be unrealistic, but increased shituf (participation) is definitely possible.
Why They Are Not Drafting
So why are these young men not drafting if they are not exempt? Why are contemporary charedi gedolim not calling for them to enlist?
The simple answer is that the charedi community is afraid that these young men will lose their religiosity, or at least their charedi identity, in the army.
This may not seem like a significant concern to many readers, but it is very substantial to the charedi community, which sees a religious lifestyle as life’s only correct form. Nothing is worse than putting that identity at risk. Random enlistment of the religiously weaker elements of the charedi community would be doing just that.
The Case To Make
We need frameworks within which charedim can draft while successfully maintaining their unique religious identity. This is the logic behind the Nachal Charedi (Netzach Yehudah) battalion. The unit, which was founded 25 years ago with 30 soldiers and now boasts over 1,000, strives to maintain a charedi level of kashrut, tzniyut, halacha, and atmosphere.
Nachal Charedi is far from a complete success and not as charedi as it sounds. The army has not lived up to many of the promises it makes to them, many of the enlistees do not come from the charedi community (or no longer identify with it), and many of its members abandon the charedi lifestyle and even religion entirely during their service. That being said, those who succeed in Nachal Charedi and other similar initiatives (like the charedi service units in the Air Force) show that charedim can maintain their religious identity while serving.
In addition to allaying fears about army service, our conversations with the charedim, should also address how serving will benefit those who draft as well as the charedi community. Army service builds character and can even enhance one’s religious identity and commitment. The charedi community’s participation in the army will also reduce the animosity towards it and allow it to have a stronger influence, including a wider kiruv impact, on the rest of Israeli society.
What We Can Do to Move the Needle
How can we increase the number of charedim who draft through these and other special programs?
There is a lot the army and the rest of Israeli society can do to help make this happen.
Increasing the number of charedi draftees hinges on the army creating frameworks that are truly appropriate for charedim.
This is challenging because the military is unaccustomed to catering to the needs of specific populations. Armies aim to “create soldiers,” a central part of which hinges on discipline. This means teaching people to follow orders and meet the army’s expectations, not expecting the army to meet their own.
In addition, many army leaders see the army as Israel’s melting pot, which helps people from different backgrounds come to share a (somewhat) common identity. The army also calls upon soldiers to focus on and value army culture. Your unit is meant to be a central part of your identity, your officers are your role models, and the army jargon your new language.
Charedi society has its own identity and values and the yeshiva is the melting pot. Charedim will resist adopting the army’s culture and values. They will be willing to serve and fight but will want to retain their unique identity.
A third issue is the army’s progressive agenda. Over the past two decades, the army has prioritized the full integration of women. This will not be possible in charedi units. To draft charedim, the army must prioritize their sensitivities (within their units).
Because the army has failed to prioritize these sensitivities in the past, both for charedi and for Hesder units, it must regain trust by being extra careful to respect the needs of religious soldiers. Continued complaints from Hesder yeshivot about the army violating agreements with them in these areas will undermine efforts to strengthen charedi enlistment.
Many believe that the military does not really want to draft a larger number of charedim because of these challenges. As the military’s cooperation and flexibility are preconditions for successfully increasing the number of charedi draftees, this issue must be clarified before moving things forward.
The State of Israel and its Civilian Society
Another major reason most charedim do not draft is that they do not identify with the State of Israel. Their leaders and community objected to the Zionist movement, do not see the state as having religious significance, and object to the non-religious and, sometimes, anti-religious nature of the state. The army represents and fights to defend a state that most charedim are either impartial to or have a negative attitude towards.
As the charedi percentage of the population increases and we seek to increase their draft numbers, we need to adjust the army and state’s nature to take values into consideration. If Israeli society wants charedim to serve, it needs to show more acceptance of charedim and their values.
Though Israeli society wants the religious and charedim to share the load, many are less keen on allowing them to impact the tone of the army and the state. This is a deep-rooted issue that has expressed itself sharply in the response of many to governments that include a significant influence of the religious parties.
The Religious Zionist community has experienced this disappointment. As Religious Zionists have become more dominant in the army, they have expected the military and state to reflect their values more than they did in the past. Pushback from elements within the military and the state who expect service without impact (drafting the bodies, not the souls) has been a significant problem and source of tension.
The increased number of charedim serving in the army will expect a similar impact on the army and state. Are the army and society ready to give more space and influence to those who are not Zionists (or have a very different understanding of what Zionism means)? If non-Zionists serve in the army, we should expect that to impact the state’s definition as well.
The Religious Zionist Community
The Religious Zionist community will also need to be more accepting of the charedi community and their views within the army and the religious frameworks of the state. Including a larger number of charedim in the military will mean that a significant percentage of religious soldiers will have a different understanding of religion and how it relates to Zionism. This will impact the place of Religious Zionism both within the army and within the state’s religious institutions. Religious Zionists welcoming and making space for charedim and their viewpoint will help increase the number of charedi draftees.
Religious Zionist soldiers are also essential models of successful army service. Baruch Hashem, there are many success stories to point to. Unfortunately, many also weaken religiously during their years of service. This phenomenon naturally gives charedim considering enlistment pause.
Of course, the Religious Zionist community should seek to improve the religious retention of its soldiers for internal reasons. The community should also realize that improving in this area is one of the best ways to inspire more charedim to draft.
The Future State of Israel
The October 7 invasion sent shockwaves through all of Israeli society. Those who thought we had entered an era of relative peace now realize that we will need to continue defending ourselves against vicious enemies. Israelis are trying to ensure that we have all the pieces required to defend ourselves in place.
We also recognize that the charedi community is a large and growing percentage of the state’s population. We value their commitment to talmud Torah, but also need more of them in the army.
The State of Israel looks very different today than it did seventy-five years ago. It is much more traditional and religious. Baruch Hashem, today’s “new Israelis” are as deeply invested in army service as those who preceded them over the past seventy-five years.
Projections predict that the State of Israel will look very different seventy-five years from now. The Jewish population will be predominantly charedi. We need to act today to ensure that tomorrow’s Israelis are also in a position to defend the state through both talmud Torah and army service.
To accomplish this, we should focus on the part of the charedi population not learning full-time in yeshiva, create and strengthen charedi appropriate draft frameworks, and invite charedim to play a more prominent role in the army, state, and Israeli society.
May our hishtadlut l’shem Shamayim merit us the continued protection of our true Protector.
The views in this piece are the author’s own and not necessarily reflective of those of Yeshivat Hakotel or of World Mizrachi and the RZA.
