MK Tzvi Sukkot, a member of Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionist Party, has announced his impending departure from the Knesset. Sukkot entered the Knesset under the Norwegian Law, which allows MKs to temporarily resign when they become ministers, making room for the next in line.
Following Otzma Yehudit’s decision to quit the coalition and return their ministerial positions, their minister, Amichai Eliyahu, who used the law to let Sukkot in, is now re-entering the Knesset. As both parties ran together in the last election, Sukkot is automatically pushed out to accommodate him, despite being in a separate party.
There is a chance that Bezalel Smotrich(Religious Zionist party) will return the favor and have one of the Religious-Zionist ministers return to the Knesset, which would then push out Otzma Yehudit’s MK Yitzchak Kroizer and restore the balance between the two parties in the Knesset.
Sukkot posted the following statement [translated]:
In about 48 hours, I will likely conclude my mission as a Member of Knesset, at least for now.
From a place free of political interests, I want to support my party leader’s decision to remain in the government in exchange for continuing the war until the enemy is defeated and we achieve a resounding victory.
The pain and anger regarding the list of released prisoners are incomprehensible.
There is no way, nor should there be, to sugarcoat the price of this terrible deal.
Nevertheless, I believe the decision of the Religious Zionist Party at this moment is critical for the future of the people of Israel and reflects the considerations behind it.
How did we get to this point?
The natural and deeply Jewish desire to identify with the pain of the families was exploited by the opposition and Kaplan Force to attack the Israeli government and drive up the price of the hostages.
Seeking to topple the government, opposition leaders and certain senior figures in the defense establishment cynically encouraged the anguished families to adopt the distorted notion that pressuring the Israeli government to capitulate to Hamas’s demands would bring their loved ones home. This, despite knowing the truth is the exact opposite.
Every such pressure was automatically interpreted by Hamas as a reason to raise their demands to a level the Israeli government could not meet, directly delaying the return of the hostages.
This simple truth, known to any novice negotiator, was completely drowned out by the endless anger of the families and their manipulators, alongside the Israeli media amplifying wild claims in prime time, such as blaming Netanyahu for “murdering the hostages.”
Let it be clear: all the hostages could have ostensibly been here long ago if the pressure had been applied to external actors capable of pressuring Hamas, alongside a unified Israeli stance on the price Israel was willing to pay.
When Trump arrived and, with a single threat, managed to force Hamas into an agreement, it was the Biden administration that compelled Israel to accept this deal about six months ago.
With the Biden administration still present and capable of passing resolutions against us in the UN Security Council, the Prime Minister was forced to agree to this terrible deal.
We disagreed with him and tried with all our might to prevent it, but we understood with absolute certainty that the Prime Minister would push it forward even at the cost of going to elections.
The Difficult Dilemma
This brings us to the difficult and agonizing deliberation we’ve faced throughout the past week.
Should we dissolve the partnership with Likud and head to elections, knowing the deal will be completed, the war will stop, and after the elections, there is a high probability a government will be formed that will return Israel to October 6th? Or should we stay?
This led to reflection on our role in politics and public life in general.
It was clear to all of us that if, in exchange for the return of the hostages, the government capitulated to Hamas and the October 7th massacre ended with Hamas’s return to power in Gaza, alongside the release of thousands of terrorists and hundreds of murderers, it would be a glaring victory for Hamas and a stinging defeat for the State of Israel.
It is clear to all of us that such a loss would have destructive consequences for Israeli society, the IDF, and, most critically, for our enemies around us for decades to come, putting the State of Israel in existential danger.
And that is the direction things were headed. The framework spoke of a second phase of the deal that included a complete and final Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, effectively reinstating Hamas rule.
I have no doubt that if we had dismantled the government now, this is where it would have led, with the full backing of senior defense officials.
What lies ahead?
We chose to set this as a condition with the Prime Minister, demanding clear guarantees, including from the Americans, to ensure a resumption of the war in a different form immediately after the first phase concludes.
No more humanitarian aid falling into Hamas’s hands, no more raids-only approach. There will be a real war that brings victory in Gaza and other arenas, reshaping the security reality here for decades to come.
Our long faction meetings on this matter were filled with tears and immense gravity. I, the least of them, left one of these meetings with my eyes turned heavenward in gratitude to God for allowing me to partner with great people. Despite their senior positions, they are solely focused on what is right for the people of Israel.
I promise you, not for a moment would you want to envy Bezalel Smotrich during these times. With insistence far from the cameras, he pushed for more guarantees and anchors for the decision to resume fighting, each backed by consultations with security experts and many rabbis. These deliberations could have derailed everything and profoundly impacted the future of the people of Israel for decades.
Personally, I am convinced that staying in the government under the conditions we set was the right decision.
I am confident we will achieve victory in Gaza and other fronts and, most importantly, that we acted solely for the sake of heaven, praying fervently that no misstep arises from our actions.
With immense pain, but from it also a profound sense of mission to change what needs to be changed with wisdom, great faith in the goodness of this people, and determination.
(On a personal note, leaving the Knesset with countless initiatives still underway is definitely frustrating, but I am in no way the story at this time. I will continue to serve wherever God places me. My eyes and heart are on the terrible price of this deal and on the families of the hostages, who will finally see their loved ones at home.)
