Categories: Op-Eds
Biden’s ‘Victory’ Versus Putin
First, the U.S. public is unprepared and unwilling to go to war against Russia. With 53% of Americans opposing U.S. involvement in the Ukraine crisis, a presidential decision to go to war is unthinkable.
Second, the United States has no formal commitment to defend Ukraine’s independence. For nearly 20 years, successive administrations have worked behind the scenes to block any possibility of Ukrainian membership in NATO because they didn’t want to be formally committed to protecting Ukraine from Russia. This then brings us to the third reason the United States will not take up arms to defend Ukraine. While the U.S. national interest is advanced by an independent Ukraine willing to stand up to Russia and that welcomes the United States and the European Union as allies, that interest cannot compete with the U.S. interest in avoiding war with Russia. And as a result, it is against the U.S.’s national interest to wage war for Ukraine. Finally, the United States has a limited military capacity to fight a ground war in Ukraine against Russia. Russia has 150,000 troops deployed along its border with Ukraine. Putin can manage their logistical supply lines because they are in Russia. The United States has neither the forces nor the will to send tens of thousands of soldiers to Ukraine to fight the Russian army. It cannot compete. So far from rebuilding U.S. credibility on the world stage after his Afghanistan debacle, Biden’s empty threats of world war have exposed America’s weakness and the hollowness of America’s commitment to its allies.Biden hasn’t only been bluffing about the prospect of world war. He is also bluffing about sanctions. Biden said on Tuesday that if Russia invades Ukraine, the United States will impose sanctions on “key industries” in Russia. But just as his talk of World War III was entirely empty, so his threats of sanctions have no foundation in reality.
Immediately after pledging to impose sanctions in retaliation for a Russian invasion of Ukraine, Biden said that such sanctions—presumably on Russia’s energy exports to the West—would also hurt Americans in their pocketbooks. With inflation rates in the United States at 39-year highs, and with public faith in their president’s stewardship of the economy at all-time lows, you don’t need to be an A-list political consultant to understand there is zero chance that in an election year Biden will impose sanctions on Russia that will boomerang against U.S. consumers. The argument that Biden comes out ahead from the Ukraine crisis also ignores what Putin has gained from the crisis on the one hand, and what the United States has lost on the other hand. Without ordering any of his soldiers to cross the border into Ukraine, Putin has already achieved what he set out to accomplish: keeping Ukraine permanently out of NATO. While Biden hasn’t formally agreed not to bring Ukraine into NATO, his announcement that the United States will not defend Ukraine against a Russian invasion, while 150,000 Russian troops are poised at the Ukraine border, leaves no room for doubt that Ukraine will not be made a NATO member nation. Not now, and not in the foreseeable future. For all intents and purposes, Biden’s speech on Tuesday transformed Ukraine from a U.S. client state into a Russian satellite state.This brings us to NATO itself. On Tuesday, Biden claimed that the Ukraine crisis has made NATO stronger and more unified than ever. But the opposite is the case. By threatening Kyiv, Putin exposed that at least as far as Russia is concerned, NATO is no longer a functioning military alliance. Poland, the Baltic states and other former Warsaw Pact nations that joined NATO after the Cold War continue to view Russia as a threatening enemy.
Germany, France and other Western European NATO members view Russia as a partner. Throughout the current crisis in Ukraine, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has been acting more like Russia’s ally than America’s. Scholz recently put forward the suggestion that Ukraine should accept the status that Finland suffered throughout the Cold War. It was independent in its domestic affairs but compelled to toe Moscow’s line in its security policies and international positions. Notably, last year Putin penned an article touting precisely this position.
While it still remains unclear if Putin will invade Ukraine, it is also unclear why he would feel it necessary to do so. Simply by sending his troops to the Ukraine border, he ended any chance of Ukraine joining NATO and effectively destroyed NATO as an anti-Russian military alliance. This brings us to the direct losses the United States has suffered due to Biden’s handling of the Ukraine crisis. Rather than undo the damage he caused to U.S. credibility with his abject surrender of Afghanistan to the Taliban, Biden exacerbated the damage. By threatening war one moment and pledging not to go to war the next, Biden turned himself—and through him, the United States of America—into a joke on the world stage. When Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky felt compelled to tell Biden to tone down his rhetoric about an imminent Russian invasion twice in under a week, and insist Biden’s warnings did not correspond with the situation on the ground, it became clear that U.S. support is not what it once was. Biden’s “support” for Ukraine has arguably done Ukraine more harm than good in the present emergency.When seen in the context of Biden’s wider foreign policy, his decision to adopt a saber-rattling posture while declaring he has no saber is even more disturbing. While making entirely empty threats at Russia, Biden is genuflecting to Iran and China. Taken together, it becomes impossible to claim that Biden’s handling of the Russian threat to Ukraine has strengthened him either domestically or internationally.
Given its destructive effect on both the United States and NATO, what stands behind Biden’s strategically indefensible position on Ukraine?


June 26, 2026 







